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KP: Shutting Down. Industrial east fears layoffs, recession.

DONETSK – As Donetsk’s industrial plants have slowed production, locals say they have noticed an improvement in the city’s air quality. But this small blessing has hardly left the inhabitants of the capital of Ukraine’s eastern industrial heartland breathing more easily, as concern over wage cuts and layoffs grows.

Huge global demand for the steel that is the Donetsk region’s main export has brought several years of impressive economic growth. Wealth has trickled down from the super-rich oligarchs to blue-collar workers. But while local business and political leaders were advertising Donetsk’s great potential for future investment at the International Investment Summit last week, workers spoke of fears in the present. The global financial crisis and economic slowdown have seen prices and demand for steel plummet. And now their effects are starting to be felt throughout the local economy.

“There are no jobs. The steel factories are working four-day weeks and many people have been sent on holiday with no pay,” said Alik, a coal miner who had just emerged from his shift at a mine on the outskirts of the city. “We’re worried that the mines are next. People are worried about not getting paid.”

Factories across Ukraine’s industrial East have been slashing production and sending workers on leave as Ukraine’s export-oriented economy was hit by a slide in global demand. On Nov. 1, all three Ukrainian ferroalloy plants started phased shutdowns. Serhiy Taruta, chairman of the leading steel producer Industrial Union of Donbas, told the Kommersant newspaper last month that his company plans to lay off around 20,000 people.

“It’s not our fault,” he said. “We just can’t provide these people with a wage.”

The steel factories may have been the worst hit so far, with daily steel output dropping 50 percent since July, but there is fear that the turmoil is spreading quickly to the mines, as demand for coking coal used in the steelmaking process drops.

“We haven’t sold a single kilogram of coking coal since Aug. 25,” said Vera Lyashchenko, press officer for Makiyivvuhillya, which runs nine coal mines in the mining heartland of Makiyivka, 25 kilometers outside Donetsk.

Vladimir Boiko, director of steelmaker Illich, announced last week that it was shutting a mine in Luhansk, citing lack of demand.

“Most of the coking coal mines are still working at the moment and storing the coal,” said Anatoliy Akimochkin, deputy head of the Confederation of Independent Trade Unions (CITU). “But if the demand does not pick up, some could be forced to close.”

Many coal mines have not yet been affected by the crisis, as the demand for thermal coal, used in power stations, remains high. Mykola Lysenko, director of Makiyivvuhillya’s Butivska mine, even reported that he has been taking on new workers in the past few months on the back of a successful two years.

But the decreased demand for coking coal, which accounts for 60 percent of Makiyivvuhillya’s production, is starting to affect other mines.

“Young people felt stability and took out loans for cars,” Lysenko said. “Now they are coming from other enterprises looking for jobs. They ask me for help, but what can I do if no one is ordering coal?”

According to Akimochkin, there are more delays in wage payments to miners than usual, although 90 percent have already been paid for September.

It is not just Donetsk’s metallurgy and mining sectors that are starting to suffer. Easy credit and the stable hryvnia-dollar exchange rate drove a consumer boom in recent years as the growth spread throughout the local economy. Nationwide, consumer loans totaled Hr 213 billion in September, up from Hr 33.5 billion in 2005, according to national bank figures. But as the hryvnia has slid from a relatively stable 5 to the dollar to a high of around 7 last week, the pinch is being felt in all walks of life.

“I took a car loan in dollars,” said Mykola, a local taxi driver. “But now I’m struggling to pay it back with the exchange rate so high. I’m not getting as many customers and I’m counting the kopecks.”

And there is a widespread feeling that the worst is yet to come, with experts estimating an exchange rate ranging 7.5-10 hryvnias per dollar next year and unemployment predicted to hit 7.7 percent by the end of 2008.

“The average Ukrainian doesn’t realize what’s coming,” said Jorge Zukoski, president of the American Chamber of Commerce in Ukraine (ACC). “But they will when a family member or a neighbor loses their job and if the hryvnia continues to slip.”

People are clear about who they blame. “How can politicians sort the country’s problems out when they can’t even agree to work properly themselves?” said Mykola, the taxi driver. “We need a strong hand.”

Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin and Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko are popular figures here for their perceived ability to get things done and help the people.

Although Victor Yanukovych, leader of the Donetsk-based Party of Regions still enjoys popularity among some workers, others are angry.

“Yanukovych can’t be the strong hand,” Mykola continued. “He makes many promises, but he doesn’t fulfill any of them. I’ll vote for him, but only because he’s from Donetsk.”

If politicians are taking most of the blame, oligarchs, many of whom have become rich after picking up industrial plants at cheap prices in quick-fire privatizations, are still widely respected as successful entrepreneurs who invest money in improving Donetsk.

Stories abound on the streets and in the media of Rinat Akhmetov’s generosity and help in reconstructing the city. Akhmetov is majority shareholder in System Capital Management and Ukraine’s richest man.

One local told how his granddaughter came back from her first day at school with a brand new diary, provided to all first-year pupils by Akhmetov. “This might be small change for him,” said Alik, the miner. “But at least he is doing something.”

And there is a great feeling of reliance on the business leader as a man who can help the region through the crisis. “Akhmetov knows what he is doing,” Alik continued. “He’s a clever man. I don’t expect he’ll let the steel factories close.”

At the International Investors Summit, business leaders were not keen to talk about immediate plans. The Financial Times reported that Akhmetov refused to comment in detail on the impact of the recession on jobs and wages, but pledged to avoid lay-offs at all costs.

Akhmetov made clear in his speech at the opening that the long-term strategy should focus on the development of the internal market. “I am convinced that not the metallurgists should be assisted, but the consumers of steel,” Akhmetov said. “We need a building boom. It is very important for the state to increase investments in large infrastructural projects: construction of airports, highways and bridges.”

Mykhailo Volynets, head of CITU, agreed, telling RBC news agency that one job in the construction industry created up to four jobs in connected industries.

This boom in infrastructure investment could come as early as next year as Ukraine prepares to co-host the European Football Championship in 2012. Preparations ahead of the tournament, including the reconstruction of roads, airports, railways and investment in new hotels, is estimated to cost more than $30 billion. Although analysts predict that Ukraine will fall into recession in the first half of 2009, they see the outlook for the second half of the year as more positive as exports benefit from the hryvnia’s expected fall and an anticipated rise in demand for steel.

There was much talk at the summit of getting through the turmoil and preparing for recovery. “There will be a need to scale back investment programs if the crisis continues,” said Jock Mendoza-Wilson, director of international and investor relations at Akhmetov’s SCM. He confirmed, however, that SCM intends to carry through on its 10-year, $5 billion investment into steel mill Azovstal because of the “competitive advantages” Ukraine offers.

But the immediate future looks far from easy for Donetsk’s blue-collar workers. As the turmoil continues and the business leaders try to come up with answers, there is little more that the workers can do than remain resolute. “All we can do is work hard and believe that things will get better,” said Lysenko, the mine director.

Cities of Ukraine: Donetsk

Also spelled DONECK, formerly (UNTIL 1924) YUZOVKA, or (1924-61) Stalino, city and administrative centre of Donetsk Region (province, “oblast” in Ukrainian), southeastern Ukraine, on the headwaters of the Kalmius River.

Donetsk at the Ukraine’s MapIn 1872 an ironworks was founded there by a Welshman, John Hughes (from whom the town’s pre-Revolutionary name Yuzovka was derived), to produce iron rails for the growing Russian rail network. Later steel rails were made. The plant used coal from the immediate vicinity, and both coal mining and steel making developed rapidly. By 1914 there were 4 metallurgical plants, 10 coalpits, and a population of about 50,000.

After the October Revolution (1917), Yuzovka was renamed Stalino and, in 1961, Donetsk. Heavy destruction in World War II led to postwar modernization and an increase in the scale of industry. Subsequent growth has been rapid and sustained. There are now more than 40 coalpits within the town limits. A major integrated coking, iron-smelting, and steel-making plant makes modern Donetsk one of the largest metallurgical centres of Ukraine. Coke by-products are the basis of a chemical industry producing plastics. There are several heavy-engineering works, which produce, in the main, mining equipment. Refrigerators are manufactured, and there are other light industries.

The necessity of avoiding areas subject to subsidence caused by mining has led to a patchy development of the densely built-up residential and factory areas and open spaces over the extensive area of the town’s administrative limits (162 square miles [420 square km]). The principal street, from the railway station to the steelworks, is 5.5 miles (9 km) long, with the main shops, hotels, and administrative buildings. There are a university; polytechnic, medical and trade institutes; and more than 30 scientific research establishments, including a branch of the Academy of Sciences of Ukraine. Cultural amenities include several theatres and a philharmonic hall.

American Embassy to Ukraine

AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE USA TO UKRAINE

H.E. Mr. William Taylor

Chancellery of the Embassy of the United States of America

Yuria Kotsubynskoho St., 10, Kyiv 01901, Ukraine

Telephone: (044) 490-40-00

Fax: (044) 490-40-85

Office hours: 8:30-17:30

CONSULAR SECTION

Pymonenka St., 6, Kyiv 04050, Ukraine

Telephone: (044) 490-44-22

Fax:

  • (044) 484-42-56 (non visa issues)
  • (044) 486-33-93 (visa issues and appointments)

Office hours: 8:00-17:30

NATIONAL HOLIDAY

Independence Day, 4 July

Angola’s Embassy to Ukraine

AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF  THE REPUBLIC OF ANGOLA TO UKRAINE

With residence in Moscow


Chancellery of the Embassy of the Republic of Angola

Uloph Palme St., 6, Moscow, Russian Federation

Telephone: (+7095) 143-63-24, 939-99-56

Fax: (+7095) 956-18-80

Е-mаil: angomosc@garnet.ru

NATIONAL HOLIDAY

11 November (1975) - Independence Day

Australian Embassy to Ukraine

AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF AUSTRALIA TO UKRAINE

H. E. Mr. Robert Tyson

With residence in Moscow

Chancellery of the Embassy of Australia

Podkolokolnyi Lane, 10A/2, Moscow 109028, Russian Federation

Telephone: (+7 495) 956-60-70

Fax: (+7 495) 956-61-70

Е-mаil: austem@comail.ru, postmaster@australienembassy.ru

Office hours: 9.00-12.30, 13.15-17.00

CONSULAR SECTION

Tel/Fax: (+7 095) 956-61-62


HONORARY CONSULATE OF AUSTRALIA IN UKRAINE

Chancellery

Komintern St., 18/137, Kyiv 01032, Ukraine

Telephone: (+38-044) 235-75-86

Fax: (+38-044) 235-75-86

NATIONAL HOLIDAY

26 January (1788) - The Day of Australia

Embassies of Foreign Countries in Ukraine

EMBASSIES OF FOREIGN COUNTRIES IN UKRAINE

A

The Islamic Republic of Afghanistan

Republic of Albania

People’s Democratic Republic of Algeria

Republic of Angola

Argentine Republic

Republic of Armenia

Australia

Republic of Austria

Republic of Azerbaijan

B

People’s Republic of Bangladesh

Republic of Belarus

Kingdom of Belgium

Republic of Benin

Republic of Bolivia

Bosnia and Herzegovina

Republic of Botswana

Federative Republic of Brazil

Brunei Darussalam

Republic of Bulgaria

Burkina Faso

C

Canada

Central African Republic

Republic of Chad

Republic of Chile

People’s Republic of China

Republic of Columbia

Republic of Congo

Republic of Cote D’ivoire

Republic of Croatia

Republic of Cuba

Republic of Cyprus

Czech Republic

D

Kingdom of Denmark

E

Republic of Ecuador

Arab Republic of Egypt

The Republic of Equatorial Guinea

State of Eritrea

Republic of Estonia

Federal Republic of Ethiopia

F

Republic of Finland

French Republic

G

Gabonese Republic

Georgia

Federal Republic of Germany

Republic of Ghana

United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland

The Republic of Guatemala

The Guinean Republic

H

Hellenic Republic (Greece)

Republic of Hungary

I

Republic of Iceland

Republic of India

Republic of Indonesia

Republic of Iraq

Islamic Republic of Iran

Ireland

State of Israel

Republic of Italy

J

Japan

Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan

K

Republic of Kazakhstan

Democratic People’s Republic of Korea

Republic of Korea

Republic of Kenya

State of Kuwait

Kyrgyz Republic

L

Lao People’s Democratic Republic

Republic of Latvia

Republic of Lebanon

Great Socialist People’s Libya Arab Jamahiriya

Republic of Lithuania

Grand Duchy of Luxembourg

M

Republic of Macedonia

Republic of Madagascar

Malaysia

Republic of Mali

Republic of Malta

Republic of Mauritius

United Mexican States

Republic of Moldova

Mongolia

Kingdom of Morocco

Republic of Mozambique

Union of Myanmar

N

Republic of Namibia

Republic of Nepal

Kingdom of the Netherlands

New Zealand

Federal Republic of Nigeria

Kingdom of Norway

P

Islamic Republic of Pakistan

Palestine

Republic of Panama

Republic of Peru

Republic of Philippines

Republic of Poland

Portuguese Republic

Q

State of Quatar

R

Romania

Russian Federation

S

The Republic of San-Marino

Kingdom of Saudi Arabia

Republic of Serbia

Republic of Seychelles

Republic of Sierra Leone

Republic of Singapore

Republic of Slovakia

Republic of Slovenia

Republic of South Africa

Kingdom of Spain

Sri Lanka

Republic of Sudan

Sultanate of Oman

Kingdom of Sweden

Swiss Confederation

Syrian Arab Republic

T

Republic of Tajikistan

Tanzania

Kingdom of Thailand

Tunisian Republic

Republic of Turkey

Turkmenistan

U

Republic of Uganda

United Arab Emirates

United States of America

Uruguay

Republic of Uzbekistan

V

Vatican (the Holy See)

The Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela

Socialist Republic of Vietnam

Y

Yemen Republic

Z

The Republic of Zambia

Republic of Zimbabwe

The Background to the relations between the EU and Ukraine

Following the breakup of the Soviet Union, Ukraine declared independence in 1991. The construction of the new Ukrainian state was anything but simple. The separation of Ukraine out of the integrated Soviet economy posed considerable problems. Politically too, the development of a democratic form of government with the creation of political parties and the development of an independent judiciary were major challenges. Unfortunately in Ukraine, unlike in Poland, there was no complete break with the past. Essentially the same people with many of the same institutions which had governed Ukraine as part of the Soviet Union, headed the new independent state. The 1990s therefore became largely a lost decade for Ukraine, in which there was a major decline in real GDP, an increase in poverty and during which the seeds of crony capitalism were sown.

Poland was the first state to recognize Ukrainian independence and, in spite of the history of complex relations between the two countries, became a major sponsor of Ukraine in the West. However in the 1990s Poland and the other states of central and eastern Europe were concentrating on their preparation for integration with the European Union and had little time or inclination to deviate from this course, until the accession treaty was signed in 2002.

For the European Union too, policy during the 1990s was essentially absorbed with the creation of a Monetary Union and with the preparation for the fifth enlargement of the Union. Following the breakup of the Soviet Union, Eastern Europe had disintegrated into chaos, but a chaos which did not directly threaten the European Union. The EU’s response therefore to the challenges posed by state-making in the East was rather weak.

Economically the 1990s were a disastrous period for Ukraine. At the time of the 1998 economic crisis Ukraine’s economy was only approximately 40% of the size it had been in 1990. While these statistics may be somewhat dubious, it is clear that the economy contracted severely during this period. As one of the key industrial regions of the former Soviet Union with a considerable share of its heavy industry, Ukraine was particularly hard hit both by the break-up of the Soviet Union and by the closure of a considerable proportion of its industry. Although it recovered from the 10,000% inflation in 1993, the economy did not start growing again until the year 2000.

The basis for economic recovery was set partly by the policies which were adopted as a result of the 1998 financial crisis. Ukraine’s new currency, the hyrvnia introduced in 1996, was devalued, tighter fiscal policy was introduced and an economic reform programme, under Prime Minister Yushchenko, was put in place from 2000. Recovery was also fostered by an improvement in Ukraine’s terms of trade, with international prices for metal products rising strongly. However the period between the financial crisis and the Orange Revolution was also marked by the blooming of the insider economy fostered by President Kuchma.